Landholders' right to refuse: Protecting property

Landowners may get the right to refuse entry to miners

Senator Larissa Waters has introduced a private members bill into the Senate to deal with the stand off between landowners and miners, and to stop fracking. The Landowners Right to Refuse (Gas and Coal) Bill 2015 ('Bill') seeks to achieve two aims (section 3):

• To stop hydraulic fracturing (‘fracking’) by constitutional corporations; and
• To require informed landholder consent to entry onto land for the purpose of gas and coal exploitation.

The legal issues underlying the Bill’s aims are twofold. First is the Commonwealth power to legislate for land use and mineral exploitation, both of which are a state concern. I won't be dealing with this issue here, assuming the Commonwealth's corporations power enlivens its jurisdiction.

Of interest to me is the second question, of framing rights between two interest-holders in the same land: the miner and the landholder. Miners’ rights are directly derived from the State and are an expression of the bounds of the State’s original grant of land. Therefore this second question potentially involves redistribution of the boundaries of ownership between the State and the landholder. I have made a submission to the Senate Environment and Communications Committee that focuses on the latter issue of distribution of property rights between miners and landholders, and the purpose of the Bill in terms of property. I use Queensland law to illustrate my argument.

How the Law Constructs the Environment: The Wandoan Coal Case

The Wandoan coal case (Xstrata v Friends of the Earth [2012] QLC 013) handed down last week shows how far our property law and environmental and resource management systems need to evolve to deal effectively with contemporary and future environmental issues.

It is acknowledged that climate change is a global problem (and indeed the parties in the Wandoan coal case did not dispute the science of climate change).  It is not the first global environmental issue – acid rain and the pollution of the world’s great rivers are examples of other, earlier inter-jurisdictional environmental issues.  Unfortunately, the evolution of environmental law in Australia, as elsewhere, exists still in a political era of sovereignty and control over a nation’s own territory or in the Australian context, that of a State.  The territory does not represent anything outside the context of law.  This construction of ‘the environment’ limits the law’s ability to deal with incremental and cumulative impacts of activity within a territory, on an otherwise interconnected world.

This territorial approach to the environment is compounded by the compartmentalisation of land into differential resources each with their own regulatory regime – for example, minerals, water and vegetation.  (I have written on this before.)  This further reduces the way we think about environmental impact of human activity into a variety of policy approaches, regulatory and licensing frameworks and ultimately different procedural jurisdictions.  Therefore while the environmental impact of one project may have various effects on the environment, the law may treat each aspect of the activity under a different regime.  This is an unrealistic way to understand and deal with the environment.

The law’s construction of ‘the environment’ in terms of a series of independent resources within a boundary determined by law is illustrated by the decision in the Wandoan coal case.